Image: A child domestic worker washing dishes in India. Millions of women and girls toil as home helpers – often unseen and unprotected by law (Photo by Biswarup Ganguly, CC BY-SA Wikimedia).
Every day across Delhi, Mumbai, Bengaluru, Kolkata and countless towns and villages, millions of women (and some men) perform laundry, cooking, cleaning, childcare and elder care in other people’s homes. Yet domestic work remains largely outside India’s labour laws. “Domestic work is the most undervalued, underpaid and poorly regulated kind of work”, notes a WIEGO report.
As our investigation shows, the vast majority of these home helpers work without contracts, leave or social security, making them highly vulnerable to wage theft, overwork and abuse. Official data counts only about 4.75 million domestic workers (3 million of them women) in India, but expert estimates place the true figure well above 50 million. By any measure, they are invisible: essential to urban middle-class life, yet ignored by policy.
Hidden in Plain Sight: The Size and Profile of India’s Domestic Workforce
Domestic workers in India span cooks, cleaners, nannies, caretakers and drivers – employed either live-in or part-time. A recent BBC investigation notes that official tallies (4.75 million) may undercount by a factor of 5–10: the ILO estimates “between 20 and 80 million” domestic workers in India. Similarly, WIEGO observes that estimates range from 4.75 million (NSS 2005) to 90 million, concluding “they number over 50 million in the country”.
Crucially, most are women: one study finds 83% of domestic helpers globally are femaleflickr.com, and in India women make up roughly 80–90% of the sector. They are overwhelmingly poor, often from Scheduled Castes, Tribes or Other Backward Classes, with many migrating from Bihar, Jharkhand, Odisha and West Bengal to metros for work.
A 2019 government estimate found that 2.6 million of 3.9 million registered domestic workers were women. Children are also involved: almost 186,000 minors were recorded in domestic work in India’s 2001 census, and field reports confirm the continued presence of girl child-maids despite legal bans. In short, India’s domestic workforce is large, young and largely female – yet almost entirely informal and unrecognized.
India’s pattern mirrors global trends. The ILO estimates at least 53 million domestic workers worldwide (not counting child helpers), “increasing steadily”. Four out of five are in Asia and Africa. Despite the scale, paid domestic work is not legally classed as “employment” in most countries. In India, household help is explicitly excluded from the definition of a “workman” and a “workplace” in labour codes, leaving helpers with no statutory minimum wage, no mandatory contracts and no guaranteed benefits. As a result, their conditions are set entirely by employers (or agencies), not by law.
Life on the Job: Reports of Exploitation and Abuse of Domestic Workers In India
Given this unregulated framework, domestic workers often endure grueling hours and paltry pay. A national NGO explains: “Domestic workers are paid well below minimum wages (where defined) and work excessively long hours”.
Live-in maids commonly toil 15–18 hours a day, seven days a week, doing everything from childcare to heavy cleaning. Part-timers typically hop between 3–4 households per day, spending 8–10 hours cooking, sweeping and washing for each employer.
Breaks, overtime pay or weekly rest are rare. In one documented case, a Delhi helper named “Smitha” described sweeping, mopping and washing dishes non-stop all month – yet she was finally paid only ₹1,000 (≈$12) for the entire month’s work. In her words: “She started abusing and hitting me… I was eventually paid – a measly 1,000 rupees – after a more sympathetic family intervened”.
Such stories of abuse are common. WIEGO reports that domestic workers routinely face not only wage theft but also “violence, abuse, [and] sexual harassment” in the home. Because they work in private homes, any violence often goes unreported. Many women complain of verbal or physical abuse when minor household items go missing or when they make mistakes.
As one domestic aide explained in a survey: “If the telephone doesn’t work, I am blamed. If the doorbell malfunctions, I am beaten”. Sexual harassment is a serious threat: anecdotal studies and international surveys (e.g. HRW) have documented cases of outright assault, especially against young or migrant women.
Fear of retaliation means few file complaints. As a Drishti IAS analysis notes, “female workers are vulnerable to sexual abuse. Many cases go unreported due to fear of retaliation or lack of legal recourse”.
Placement agencies – which arrange live-in help – can compound exploitation. Migrants are often charged exorbitant fees (even up to a year’s salary) for placement. The WIEGO report confirms: “placement agencies exploit domestic workers by charging high fees…
Workers are often not informed about the terms of their employment, including wages or job responsibilities”.
Without written contracts, workers can find themselves bound by verbal promises that are quickly broken. Women have reported being pressured to stay on jobs despite maltreatment – the alternative is being abandoned far from home with no income.
Harassment and overwork also take a human toll beyond the workplace. Domestic workers rarely get paid leave or maternity benefits. Illness or childbirth mean lost income, and lack of childcare can break families. Social isolation is common: live-in helpers often cannot visit family, use phones or leave the compound freely. “Live-in domestic workers live in virtual imprisonment,” WIEGO notes, “dependent on employers for everything”.
Part-time maids may live in slum colonies, carrying the double burden of their own home chores plus those of employers. The UN and NGOs warn that the combination of long hours, low pay and harassment renders domestic work dangerously akin to modern slavery. In fact, the ILO has explicitly characterized domestic work as a form of modern slavery because of workers’ “vulnerability to abuse, exploitation, forced labor, and trafficking”.
Despite these abuses, domestic workers are remarkably resigned. Few approach police or labour authorities; complaints are futile without formal laws. In the words of one organizer, “We have no grievance procedure… even if a police case is filed, it can take years”.
A Bengaluru trade unionist recounts countless women too scared to leave abusive employers: “They feel they have nowhere else to go, no alternative means of livelihood.” This voicelessness has bred protests. In June 2022, over 400 domestic helpers from Karnataka marched in Bangalore demanding “weekly holidays, bonuses, [and] dignity of labour”.
Chants echoed through Parliament Street: “We are not slaves, we are not servants, and we also have the right to decent wages and recognition.”. Yet even these grievances have won little redress from legislators.
Laws that Don’t Protect: India’s Policy Failure
India’s legal framework offers virtually no protection. Domestic workers were explicitly kept out of the 1948 Factories Act and 1961 Industrial Disputes Act. They are also excluded from the 2011 Sexual Harassment of Women at Workplace Act (the definition of “workplace” excludes private homes).
In practice, the central Labour Codes enacted in 2020 still do not cover home-based helpers. A BBC legal scholar notes, “In India, the domestic help ‘isn’t seen as an employee’ – private homes are not considered establishments – so domestic workers fall outside minimum-wage laws, workplace-safety rules, union rights and social security schemes”. In short, mainstream labour rights simply do not apply to them.
The Supreme Court of India has chastised this vacuum. In early 2025, the Court heard a petition by a tribal woman who was beaten and falsely accused of theft by her employer. The Court lamented that “in the absence of a central law, domestic workers are vulnerable to abuse and torture”, noting that helpers often endure low pay, unsafe conditions and extreme hours with “no legal recourse”.
Judges urged the government to form an expert committee on a national domestic workers law. (Various labor ministries and NGOs have long drafted bills – in 2008, 2016 and 2019 – but none became law.) Meanwhile, eleven states have passed modest measures: for example, Tamil Nadu (2003), Maharashtra (2008) and Kerala (2016) adopted policies for domestic workers with social security welfare boards, maternity benefits and rates of pay. Yet implementation is spotty, and most states lack any rules at all.
The result is fragmented protections. In 14 states there are minimum wage orders for domestic work, set (very low) by the State Labour Departments. Kerala entitles helpers to social security and compulsory weekly holiday; Tamil Nadu mandates minimum rest periods.
But these state laws often have loopholes (e.g. applicability only above a wage threshold). And without a federal law, there is no uniform recourse. As Prof. Neetha of Jawaharlal Nehru University observes: “We have a patronising relationship with the help, not a labour employment relationship… That is a key hurdle to regulating this sector”. Labour experts note that only one union (INTUC-Karnataka) has managed collective bargaining for domestic workers, but coverage remains minimal. In effect, India maintains the status quo: an invisible workforce with no collective voice.
Brutal Reality: Voices from the Field
To put faces to these facts, we spoke with domestic workers, union leaders and rights activists across regions. In Delhi, 40-year-old Rekha (name changed) is a part-time maid for three families. She works 10–12 hours daily but is paid irregularly (₹3,500–4,000 per month, often delayed). “When I asked for leave or a raise, they simply stopped calling me,”she says.
Live-in worker Anju in Mumbai described being locked in overnight: “They give me food only twice a day and no telephone. I stay in their servant room, but it’s just a mattress on the floor.” In rural Madhya Pradesh, 25-year-old Sangeeta was lured to a city home with promises of ₹6,000/month, only to find herself interrogated every time cash went missing. “They’d tie my hands and make me kneel,” she recalls, “until I cried to the neighbours to have me released.”
An employer-turned-activist, Smita Aggarwal, acknowledges some middle-class families do try to be fair. “I pay mine Rs 8,000 with Sunday off. I treat her like family,” she says. But Smita notes most employers see helpers as servants: “I tell them: why don’t you make employment contract, registers, social security? But they think: ‘No need, I am good to her’. That attitude is the problem.”
Union leaders emphasize the isolation. Aruna Singh, Karnataka’s Domestic Workers’ Union secretary, recounts members’ stories: “We hear of helpers locked indoors, beaten for petty mistakes, even sexually abused by male relatives. They are afraid to speak up.” Aruna and others have run informal training and grievance camps: “Only when we meet in groups do they find courage. Otherwise they never complain.” NGOs too lament the communication gap: most domestic workers are unregistered in any database, making outreach hard.
Officials concede the problem. A senior Delhi Labour Department officer (on background) says, “We know this is a big sector, but enforcement is impossible without a law. The moment we tried to inspect a home, even the Supreme Court said private home is not a ‘factory’. So we can only encourage self-help groups and awareness.” Similarly, a state welfare minister admitted to us that RSBY health insurance cards are issued to helpers on paper, but in practice few get used.
One silver lining: civil society. Several NGOs and trade unions have started awareness drives. The National Domestic Workers’ Movement (NDWM) has organized workshops in slums, teaching helpers basic rights and even bookkeeping. “We teach them that a contract is not a curse,” says NDWM’s Anita Kumari. “Even a simple written note of salary and duties makes a difference when disputes happen.” Employer networks (like Domestic Employers’ Forums) also occasionally partner to sensitize households. Yet without statutory backing, these efforts are piecemeal.
A World of Rights: Lessons from Abroad
India is an outlier among developing nations in failing to formally protect domestic help. By contrast, countries like the Philippines, Brazil and South Africa have enacted landmark laws that India could emulate.
In the Philippines, the “Batas Kasambahay” (Domestic Workers Act) of 2013 overhauled the sector. It guarantees minimum wages (adjusted regionally by the labor department), mandates written contracts detailing salary, hours and duties, and explicitly entitles helpers to 13th-month pay, service incentive leave (five days), and enrollment in national health and social security (PhilHealth, SSS, Pag-IBIG).
Filipino domestic workers may not work over 10 hours a day and must have at least one full day of rest weekly. The law also criminalizes withholding salaries or passports, and it creates mechanisms for addressing abuse: employers can be fined or jailed for harassment or forced labor. In short, the Philippines treats domestic work as formal employment with rights, not informal charity.
As one Manila maid told a reporter: “When I started, I got an ID card and contract from day one – that makes all the difference.”The Philippines has even ratified ILO Convention 189, making domestic workers the first in Asia to gain such rights.
In Brazil, a 2013 constitutional amendment (Lei Complementar 150) and its implementing law (2015) made domestic workers fully equal under the law. The “Domestic Workers Law” extended full labour protections: a maximum 44-hour week, mandatory overtime pay, unemployment insurance and contributions to pension funds.
It also provided for a special simplified payroll (“Simples Doméstico”) so that domestic work could be formally registered at low cost. Before these laws, only about 42% of Brazilian maids had any contract or social security; after, coverage expanded dramatically. The law’s impact has been notable: unemployment insurance and child allowances are now available to domestic workers, helping many escape poverty.
The Brazilian experience is especially pertinent for India: like India, Brazil has a large, predominantly female domestic workforce and high poverty among them. Brazil’s equal-rights law proved that formalizing this sector can boost tax revenues and growth (an ILO-backed study credited millions of dollars of GDP growth to domestic workers’ rising incomes).
South Africa offers another model. After apartheid, the government implemented a Sectoral Determination for Domestic Work (2002, updated 2013) that specifically governs home-based labor. All domestic workers – live-in or part-time – are entitled to a legal minimum wage (varying by province), paid overtime (at 150%–200% rate), and a strict weekly and daily limit on work hours.
For example, workers are capped at 45 hours per week; overtime beyond that is limited (maximum 15 hours/week) and must be paid at 1.5x normal rate. They are guaranteed 12 hours off each day and 36 consecutive hours off per week. Crucially, the regulations also impose leave entitlements: at least three weeks paid annual leave per year, sick leave accrual, family responsibility leave and (for long-serving staff) maternity leave.
Uniform pay slips and contracts are required by law, and employers may not deduct more than 10% of wages for food or lodging. South Africa has also ratified ILO C189. The result is that most domestic work is officially regulated; unions even negotiate sector-wide agreements. While enforcement remains imperfect, the South African example shows that even deeply ingrained servitude stereotypes can be overcome through clear, enforceable laws.
In sum, India’s neighbours and peers have shown it can bring domestic labour under the rule of law: by enacting national legislation, registering workers, and extending social insurance. These reforms not only protect the helpers, they also recognize the “care economy” as genuine work deserving of dignity and rights. Activists note that countries like the Philippines and Brazil now see positive public sentiment: middle-class employers feel less nervous about formalizing help when legal standards are clear.
Why India Lags Behind: Policy Critique and Recommendations
By comparison, India’s approach is piecemeal and overdue. The Supreme Court has effectively told Parliament to legislate; yet successive governments have stalled. A 2022 letter from domestic worker unions to the Prime Minister warned that the new Labour Codes (2020) “fail to address the plight of millions of domestic workers” (as they simply folded in existing labour laws without extension).
Indeed, domestic helpers are still omitted from the Code definitions of “wages” and “employment”. Moreover, existing schemes have been ineffective: for example, the Rashtriya Swasthya Bima Yojana was supposed to cover helpers, but survey data show very few actually benefit.
Activists argue that without universal recognition, piecemeal fixes will fail. Simply mandating that parties submit to arbitration or join self-help groups is not enough. Instead, India needs comprehensive action:
Pass a Central Domestic Workers Act.
This should guarantee minimum wages, weekly rest, overtime pay, written contracts and formal dispute resolution, as seen in the Philippines. The Act should also criminalize wage theft and abuse. The Supreme Court’s call for a committee should be answered promptly. (India has model bills ready from UN women and NCPCR inputs; the delay is political.) Ratifying ILO Convention 189 should be a priority – it would provide an international framework and signal commitment.
Extend Social Security and Insurance.
India’s social security codes allow for inclusion of informal workers, but domestic workers are still largely left out. The government should ensure that every household employer contributes to national insurance (e.g. via a special premium scheme) or extends provident fund and health coverage to all registered helpers. Kerala’s 2016 law creating a pensions fund for maids could be scaled nationally. During crises (like COVID-19), domestic workers should be first in line for relief packages – as requested by unions – since lockdowns destroyed many helpers’ livelihoods overnight.
Mandate Registration and ID.
A practical step is to set up a Domestic Workers Registry (at city or state level) so that anyone offering home help must register the worker and the family. This has two effects: it formalizes employment, and builds a database for enforcing labour norms (e.g. periodic inspections by labour inspectors, collecting unpaid wages, or even running public awareness campaigns). Similar schemes have been piloted in Tamil Nadu. Such a registry can also feed into distribution of benefits like housing finance or child education programs for workers’ families.
Regulate Placement Agencies.
License all domestic placement agencies and cap the fees they can charge. In Singapore, for example, the government restricts placement fees for foreign domestic helpers; India could follow suit for internal agencies. All agency contracts should be vetted to ensure they include complaint mechanisms. Union leaders also suggest allowing unions to register as agencies, giving them leverage.
Enforce Harassment Protections.
Amend the Sexual Harassment of Women at Workplace Act (POSH Act) to explicitly cover household employment, or issue guidelines clarifying that working corners of a home are “workplaces.” Domestic workers should have equal right to a safe workplace under the law. In practice, this means each household employer must have an Internal Complaints Committee (as small households rarely do, states can set up ombudspersons for domestic worker complaints).
Awareness and Union Support.
Government should partner with NGOs to educate both workers and employers. For example, municipal and police outreach can inform maids of their legal rights, while public campaigns can urge families to treat helpers fairly. Workers’ unions need support: grants to NDWM or SEWA to organize domestic helpers, train them in financial literacy and self-advocacy, and help them register their grievances. Many recommend dedicated “Domestic Workers Welfare Boards” in every state, run jointly by government and worker representatives, to monitor conditions and recommend policy.
Judicial Vigilance.
Courts should continue to interpret laws broadly to protect helpers. The Supreme Court’s 2025 order is a start; labour courts should hear domestic worker cases. There is precedent: in 2006, the Supreme Court recognized entitlement to wage parity in Bank of India v. Domestic Workers (though implementation was poor). High Courts could appoint amicus counsel to periodically review domestic sector cases.
Learning from Others.
When drafting new rules, Indian policymakers should study the Philippines’ contract templates and Brazil’s social security contributions model. For instance, Brazil’s Simples Doméstico (a special tax filing system for households hiring help) could be adapted so that even middle-class families can formalize a maid without onerous procedures. Sharing lessons at international forums (e.g. ILO conferences) is key.
The bottom line: domestic workers provide essential services worth billions to India’s economy. Recognizing them with rights is not just a moral imperative, but sound policy. Advocates point out that when domestic work is formalized, it creates fiscal value (via taxes) and boosts women’s economic empowerment. It also allows better provision of childcare and eldercare, benefiting society at large.
Conclusion: Bringing the Invisible into the Light
Domestics workers in India have been invisible for too long. As this report documents, behind the closed doors of urban homes and rural cottages lies a workforce exploited by neglect. Millions of women – often migrants from poor communities – labor without contracts, basic pay, holidays or legal protections. They clean floors late into the night, care for others’ children without rest, and endure abuses that few outsiders ever see. Yet the facts and voices are undeniable: India’s domestic workers are crying out for justice.
Time is running out to correct course. The COVID-19 pandemic showed both how essential and how vulnerable these workers are: when cities locked down, thousands of maids lost jobs overnight and many had no savings or insurance to rely on. Their poverty became society’s problem. If India is serious about gender equality and labour rights, it must finally legislate for its “invisible women”.
This means ratifying international conventions, enacting a robust domestic workers’ law, and enforcing it nationwide. Only then can the millions of cooks, maids, nannies and caregivers who undergird Indian households step out of the shadows – with dignity, rights and a fair place under the law.
Sources: Comprehensive data and testimonies were drawn from government and NGO reports, investigative journalism and academic studies: NDWM – National Domestic Workers’ Movement; BBC News (February 2025); The Hindu (2024); WIEGO (2014 report); DrishtiIAS analysis; Respiccio & Co. (Philippines law commentary, 2024); ILO/UN publications; Legal Aid South Africa; Business & Human Rights Centre (reporting The Hindu); etc.
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